This is a comprehensive report of the GNRC 5th Forum. It is a summary of all aspects of the Forum, including the speeches, papers presented, contributions and transcripts of messages delivered at the Forum.
Includes remarks from distinguished guests during the opening ceremony, and thereafter the keynote addresses, followed by the special session on ending violence against children. The report further details the discussions at the regional working groups and the panel discussions, the “All for Children” session, the special thematic sessions, and the closing ceremony. The report also captures the pre-meeting for children that took place on 6-8 May 2017.
International standards, currently being developed, define a CFS program as one that “supports the resilience and well-being of children and young people who have experienced disasters through community organized, structured activities conducted in a safe, child friendly, and stimulating environment” (Child Protection Working Group, 2012). Since its use in the 1999 Kosovo crisis, CFS programming to support the protection and psychosocial well-being of children is widespread (UNICEF, 2009). There is growing interest and adoption of CFSs as a prime intervention strategy as evidenced by its reference in a number of agency and inter-agency documents guiding humanitarian response (Global Protection Cluster, 2011; Kostelny, 2008; Madfis, Martyris, & Triplehorn, 2010; Save the Children, 2008, 2009; Save the Children Sweden, 2010; UNICEF, 2009; World Vision International, 2006).
There are a number of factors that have contributed to the frequent adoption of a CFS model in humanitarian emergencies. These include potential for rapid deployment, low relative costs, scalability and adaptability of activities to diverse contexts (UNICEF, 2009). The inherent flexibility of a CFS model, although originally intended for children aged 7 to 13, potentially accommodates children of all ages (Global Protection Cluster et al., 2011; UNICEF, 2009).
Guidance on CFSs generally suggests such interventions being of value with respect to three major objectives. First, CFSs are seen to serve as a protective mechanism, protecting children from abuse, exploitation or violence. Second, CFSs are considered as a means to provide psychosocial support to children, strengthening their emotional well-being, social well-being, and/or skills and knowledge (Ager et al., 2011a). Third, CFSs are seen as a key vehicle for mobilizing communities around the protection and well-being of children, and strengthening community protection mechanisms (Global Protection Cluster et al., 2011).
The evidence base for the outcomes and impact of CFSs is generally considered to be limited. As efforts are made to develop standards and international guidelines to support CFS work in emergencies, it is important to develop and consolidate evidence regarding the protective, promotive and mobilizing effects CFSs have on children and youth. As a global agency with a major commitment to child protection in emergencies, World Vision International has initiated a series of structured evaluations of CFS interventions. To ensure that these studies are fully informed by existing knowledge of CFS outcomes and impacts a structured review of the literature was commissioned.
Since the beginning of the current humanitarian crisis in Iraq, more than three million school-aged children and adolescents have experienced disruption to their education. Providing continuity of learning and protection for affected children demands that agencies such as World Vision adopt a flexible design and agile implementation approach.
In February 2015, World Vision commenced the Let Us Learn project to support 12,240 internally displaced people living in the Berseve I and Berseve II camps, and in host communities in the Dohuk governorate of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI).
The project aims to deliver education and child protection interventions that contribute to the learning continuity, psychosocial well-being and increased resilience of children affected by displacement.
Let Us Learn was designed around two core outcomes:
- Children affected by displacement have equitable access to quality basic education and psychosocial support in a protective learning environment.
- Communities strengthen their involvement, ownership and capacity to promote education and safeguard their children’s protection and well-being within learning spaces and the wider community.
These outcomes are addressed through a series of non-formal education, resilience and life skills, literacy and child protection activities. They are delivered through camp-based child friendly learning spaces (CFLS) with a dimension of the programme carried out in host community, non-camp settings.
As part of World Vision’s Education in Emergencies (EiE) approach, Let Us Learn places significant emphasis on community participation, consultation, accountability and quality assurance during the project’s design and implementation. This project is based on the principle that the best and most sustainable solutions occur when the voice of the community is heard and considered.
The focus on participation at all levels – students, teachers and facilitators, implementing partners, donors, cluster members and local authorities – is critical to working in a fragile context, and remaining responsive to the changing needs of IDPs. Each area of the Let Us Learn project faced challenges, some of which could be deemed predictable within a post-conflict fragile setting and others that were unique to the context and project interventions.
This case study explores the challenges the Let Us Learn project encountered during implementation, and demonstrates how collaborative partnerships, embedded accountability and quality assurance mechanisms have allowed it to remain adaptive and relevant to shifting community and external needs through its governance.
Read more:
- Read how the Let Us Learn project has impacted the lives of individual children like Asim and Mighdad
The World Vision Let Us Learn project was made possible with the support of our partners Aktion Deatschland Hiltft and Public Aid Organisation.
This article originally appeared on the World Vision website.
Action for implementing the seven strategies for ending violence against children
Link to WHO Site
Other WHO INSPIRE Technical Documents
The formal launch and endorsement of the “Affirmations for Faith Leaders: Welcoming the Stranger” took place on 21 November in Vienna at the Religions for Peace 9th World Assembly, convened under the theme of “Welcoming the other”. At this event, the Affirmation of Welcome was read and signed by representatives of the world’s major religions.
Click here for the Affirmation of Welcome signatories
UNHCR recently embarked on a ‘journey of mutual discovery’ with faith-based organizations by exploring the role of faith in humanitarian responses. In December 2012, the fifth High Commissioner’s Dialogue on Protection Challenges was held on the theme of Faith and Protection. The Dialogue assembled over 400 representatives of faith-based organizations, faith leaders and other partners for a two-day discussion in Geneva on partnership with faith-based actors.
This was the first formal multi-faith dialogue UNHCR ever engaged in and explored the common values underpinning the notion of refugee protection in all of the world’s major religions. It also fostered deeper appreciation for and understanding of the role religion and spirituality plays in the lives of those UNHCR serves.
At the close of the event, the High Commissioner underscored “the valuable contributions that faith organizations and communities make to the protection of refugees and the displaced.” He highlighted a number of concrete suggestions for follow-up, which included a call to develop guidance on ‘faith literacy’ for UNHCR staff. The present Partnership Note has been prepared pursuant to this request.
UNICEF and other child rights organizations* have a long history of partnering with religious communities of all faiths on a wide range of issues that affect children. Religious communities are uniquely positioned to promote equitable outcomes for the most vulnerable children and families. Their moral influence and extensive networks give them access to the most disenfranchised and deprived groups, those that international organizations and governments are sometimes less able to reach effectively. They are also grounded in philosophical frameworks that shape their call to community service into long-term commitments to achieving peace, justice and social equality.
Several key elements of the Convention on the Rights of the Child – the most widely ratified and comprehensive legal instrument for the protection of child rights – reflect values shared with the world’s major religious traditions. These include:
• A fundamental belief in the dignity of the child.
• An emphasis on the family as the best place for bringing up children.
• High priority given to children and the idea that all members of society have rights and duties towards them.
• A holistic notion of the child and a comprehensive understanding of his or her physical, emotional, social and spiritual needs.
Aside from the potential benefits that religious actors bring to partnerships, spirituality and religion can have a profound influence on children’s development and socialization and have the potential to reinforce protective influences and promote resilience. The beliefs, practices, social networks and resources of religion can instil hope, give meaning to difficult experiences and provide emotional, physical and spiritual support. Impact can be far-reaching when child rights efforts are grounded in the protective aspects of religious beliefs and practices in a community.
In spite of the positive roles religious communities can play, it is important to acknowledge there are sometimes concerns about working in partnership with these groups. Although the fundamental values of all the major religious traditions uphold the dignity and right to well-being of children, some beliefs, attitudes and practices associated with religions promote or condone violence and discrimination against children. Whether these are actual religious tenets, or religion is misused to justify harmful beliefs and practices, they can violate a child’s physical, emotional and spiritual integrity. There may also be apprehensions that faith-based organizations will pressure aid recipients to convert or only provide aid to those with similar religious views.
* In this guide the term ‘child rights organizations’ refers to non-religiously affiliated NGOs and networks. Child rights organizations that are affiliated with religions are included here under the term ‘faith-based organizations
Channel of Hope for child protection was implemented in Morang district since 2014. The district is located in the south-east part of Nepal that shares the border with India. The district headquarter, Biratnagar, is the second largest city in Nepal. WV has been operating an ADP in Morang district, with the office in Biratnagar, since 2005. There are nearly 965370 people in Morang district. The religion in Morang includes Hinduism, Buddhist, Muslim and Christian. Children are also involved in religious activities and holy places are trusted by people as safe places and faith leaders are revered.
The child protection issues identified during child protection assessment in 2014 in Morang district were child marriage, child labour; sexual abuse and drug abuse. Girls particularly were identified to be at risk due to being less prioritized in families for education and health care.
This project had targeted to work through faith based organizations. Faith leaders also play role in influencing the community and this was targeted to mobilize in addressing the child protection issues. In Morang, churches are keen to engage in development though Christianity is a minority religion in country and district. This project worked with the church leaders to build the understanding of churches on child protection issues and then to facilitate them to carry out their own plans to engage with the community, bringing awareness raising as well as building linkages between communities and services available to them (i.e. VCPPCs and Para-legal committees).
The project approach is adapted from “Channels of Hope for Child Protection”. The Channels of Hope for Child Protection (COH) has been piloted with faith leaders in the countries like India, Sierra Leone, Malawi, and Solomon Island, and has been instrumental in changing mindsets on child protection issues, norms and expectations. It is an innovative approach to looking at child protection issues in that it directly engages with people’s personal faith. Through this project, power relationship was explored in ways of relating with discrimination and low status of children. By reconsidering scripture texts, participants can “reconstruct” adult / child relationships and see how the interplay of culture and religion can often influence messages.
Upon the discussions with the WV Global Centre, it was agreed for Nepal to pilot COH with the Christian community. Which would later be replicated to work in Hindu context with hindu leader if there is separate funding available.
After decades of assessing and describing the street children population, more attention is needed to evaluate the impact of street children programs on successful reinsertion into the community. The purpose of the current study was to assess the impact of two model street children programs on successful reinsertion: Associãcao Promocional Oracão e Trabalho (APOT) in Campinas, Brazil and Instituto Mundo Libre (IML) in Lima, Peru. This study determined common characteristics of street children in the programs and predictors of community reinsertion success. The results suggest that the programs were successful. Overall, 56% of the residents at APOT and 48% of those at IML were successfully reinserted into the community at the time they left the program. For both programs, the majority of former residents that were successfully reinserted into the community returned to the homes of their families. Source of referral to the street children program, length of stay in the program, and prior formal education were important predictors of successful reinsertion. Detailed descriptions of these model programs are provided, including treatment approach and implementation of services. Implications for future program development and evaluation are addressed.
The phenomenon of street children has become a focal point of the media and in academic research in recent years. It is a continuing issue and has been accepted by the international community as a serious global problem. A large amount of research has been done related to street children, however, research related to the identity and self concept2 of street children has been relatively neglected. Hawk (1967) describes that it is very difficult for someone who has not been disadvantaged himself to see the world in the eyes of a disadvantaged child as they do not come from the same context or background. Therefore, in order to understand the lives of street children it was vital that, instead of imposing theory, a methodology which allows the children to speak about their lives was used.
Ennew and Swart-Kruger (2003) describe how paradigms in both the understanding and in the definitions of street children are currently shifting with the recognition that there is not a typical street child. The new opinion is that children are not just victims or problems but rather that they are interacting with a variety of environments where the children have the power to actively construct their own worlds. For this study, the voices of this poorly understood group in West Africa, the Talibé street children, were explored. Broadly following the structure of Ovaska (2005) and Kealy (2012), an initial set of concepts were generated from a preliminary review of the literature. As this was specifically an exploration of the voices of a largely unheard vulnerable population a deep review of literature was avoided as it may have prejudiced the data gathered. Using Grounded Theory, this body of research investigated the self concept of Talibé street children3 in the West African Country, Senegal and concluded with recommendations on how to improve the situation for these children.
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2 Self concept is defined by many authors, including Bem and Allen 1974; Butterworth 1992; Wakslak, et al. 2008, as set of self-identities and self-schemas that, together, form the person we perceive ourselves to be. 3 In Senegalese society, Talibé children are children who attend a Quranic school (a daara) which is run by a religious leader (Marabout). For the purpose of this study Talibé street children will be any children who are in a daara or were in a daara for a period of time but now find themselves on the street.
